Nationalist parties are expected to gain ground, potentially dealing a significant blow to the current governing parties. These extremists harbor territorial claims against all of Romania's neighbors, now coveting lands beyond the Tisza.

It is a misconception to think that official Bucharest's support for Ukraine in line with Western expectations is universally welcomed. On the contrary, a significant portion of the Romanian population opposes this stance. The second anniversary of the Ukrainian conflict saw President Klaus Iohannis's commitment to unconditional support for Ukraine met with skepticism. Notably, on this anniversary, government buildings in Bucharest were lit in Ukrainian national colors.

There exists another facet of Romania that does not endorse unequivocal support for Ukraine. A survey revealed that 64% of Romanian voters believe the country should not supply weapons to its neighbor.

Given the majority public opinion, Romanian politics has entered a phase of ambiguity regarding weapon supplies to support Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, leading to confusion within the system. This was spotlighted when, shortly before the second anniversary of Russia's assault on Ukraine, Kyiv publicly thanked Romania for its weapon shipments.

Romania's political elite find themselves caught between their own nationalism, sometimes covert, sometimes overt, and the collective expectations of the West.

In Brussels, Romania could not merely claim to provide humanitarian aid and refuge to fleeing Ukrainians without being labeled "Orbanist" and accused of emulating Hungary. This, according to the informal protocols of the EU, would equate to political ostracism and its consequent negative implications. However, the Romanian political elite cannot afford to alienate the domestic majority with four crucial elections on the horizon.

The Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), a previously unheard-of party just four years ago, has surged in prominence due to its amplified nationalism. The party, known for its extreme nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Hungarian rhetoric and calls for leaving NATO and the EU, is eying governance by attempting to whitewash its past extremism.

AUR's electoral platform champions the creation of "Greater Romania," mirroring the post-World War I configuration that included territories from Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Their goal includes unifying Romania and Moldova and claiming parts of Ukraine.

Some Romanians, despite their known aversion to Russia, oppose arming Ukraine fearing it plays into Kyiv's defeat. Both AUR and the similarly extreme Save Romania Union (SOS) exhibit territorial ambitions against all neighbors, proposing an eastern Romanian border extending to the Tisza, a notion previously rejected at Trianon.

Nationalism isn't exclusive to these parties but has been tactically subdued due to unfavorable views from Brussels. Yet, with an April poll showing AUR's popularity among the youth at 23%, political dynamics are swiftly shifting. Prime Minister Marcel Ciolacu recently affirmed belief in the unification of Moldova with Romania, a sentiment deeply opposed by Russia. Following the Soviet Union's dissolution, Moldova gained independence but saw its eastern region, Transnistria, declare autonomy, maintained by Russian military presence.

Given these developments, Romania looks to its American ally, though wary of Moscow's ambition to extend its influence directly to Ukraine's rear and, by extension, the borders of Romania and NATO.